Indigenous+lives+Government+lies+-+Child+maltreatment+and+The+Intervention


 * Makala Murray**
 * Student number: n8300887**
 * Tutor: Abbey Hamilton**

====// ‘This, it stole me, I lost myself. He took me away and I’m here today, a shadow of the person I could have been because he took it away from me and I can never get that person back. ... And society, to want to pretend that it doesn’t happen, and this is where we are still victims and they’re still making us victims.’ // Transcript 27 ====

**Artefact**
==== A stern blue message greets visitors to town camps in 73 of the Northern Territory’s most isolated regions, titled “Warning. Prescribed Area. No Liquor. No Pornography.” On the 21st of June 2007, the Federal Government under John Howard introduced the Northern Territory Emergency Response, or the Intervention, which saw the creation of the blue signs in response to urgent allegation of child abuse and widespread serve neglect in Indigenous communities (Wild & Anderson, 2007). Most controversial of the emergency response, was the suspension of the Racial Discrimination Act for the launch of ‘special measures’, and community-wide bans on alcohol consumption and pornography. ====

**Public Health Issue**
==== Although the impact of child abuse and its ramifications infiltrate communities at all socio-economic and cultural levels, its prevalence in remote Indigenous Australian communities is of particular concern (Bor et al., 2010). For too long a veil of silence has surrounded the extent of the problems facing Indigenous populations, however recent cases concerning the sexual assault of children in the Northern Territory have raised a major public health concern (Wild & Anderson, 2007). Indigenous experiences of violence and abuse are different from those of non-Indigenous Australians, as are the role that this difference plays in continuing the cycle of systemic abuse, and the policy responses to the violence resulting from alcohol, drug and pornography abuse (Fawcett & Hanlon, 2009). ====

**Literature Review**
==== Child protection data tells of how many Indigenous children come into contact with child protection services. It is the most common source of data on the rate of maltreatment and breakdown of specific maltreatment types routinely collected in Australia (AIHW, 2011). The data shows that Indigenous children are over-represented in the Australian out-of-home care system, with Indigenous children almost 10 times more likely than other children to be placed in care. In 2009–10 approximately 32% of all children in out-of-home care were identified as Indigenous, with the prevalence increasing by 9% from 10,523 children in 2008-09 to 11,458 children in 2009-10 (AIHW, 2011) ====

==== According to the child protection data, the primary types of maltreatment experienced by Indigenous children and non-Indigenous children are relatively similar, except for neglect, which is the type of maltreatment that accounts for the highest proportion of substantiations in relation to Indigenous children (AIHW 2011). In 2009–10, Indigenous children comprised 4.6% of Australian children, and 26.6% of all confirmed reports of abuse or neglect (AIHW, 2011). This means that Indigenous children were 7.7 times more likely to be the subject of a confirmed report of abuse or neglect than non-Indigenous children (AIHW, 2011). However, the child protection data only includes those cases of abuse and neglect that were detected and reported and are therefore likely to be an underestimation of the number of children abused or neglected (D’Antoine, Elliot, Fremantle, Mahajan, Zurynski, 2008) ====

==== In addition to the under-reporting of abuse and neglect, system issues may also contribute to the underestimation of the number who are abused or neglected. Bromfield and Higgins (2004) reviewed literature, government websites and corresponding legislation to highlight the occurring issues with the collection methods of child protection data, rendering the data an unreliable and invalid source for statutory or research data on the rates of child maltreatment. The methodological study examines the impact of each state and territory’s varying legislation and thus different conceptions and definitions of abuse and neglect, resulting in many children who have not actually experienced maltreatment included within the incidence data, and children who have experienced maltreatment not included. ====

==== In addition to Broomfield and Higgins (2004) theory, there are also several community-based issues that contribute to the under-reporting of child abuse and neglect in Indigenous communities (Brown & Brown, 2007; D’Antoine et al., 2008). The inquiry, // Breaking the Silence: Creating the Future // conducted by ACSAT (2006), compiles consultations with Indigenous communities across New South Wales, a method that has Indigenous cultural integrity. The participants spoke of personal accounts and stories of the heartache of child sexual assault for victims and their families, and the devastating impact it has on their communities. They felt victims are often blocked by certain factors, such as, complex extended family and community networks, geographic isolation, mistrust of the police and justice system, fear that the child may be removed, and poor responses from existing service providers (ACSAT, 2006). ====

==== In contradiction to the recent media attention of Indigenous communities, child sexual abuse documented by the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2011), was the least frequently substantiated maltreatment type for Indigenous children. However, alike the cases of neglect, the data collected only represented incidents that were reported to a government department, and thus doesn’t reflect the actual incidence of child sexual assault (Brown & Brown, 2007; D’Antoine et al., 2008). Also in contrast to the low rates of sexual abuse substantiated by child protection services, police data on reported victims of sexual assault show that Indigenous children are at greater risk than other children of being sexually abused (Steering Committee for the Review of Government Service Provision [Steering Committee], 2009). ====

==== Child sexual assault damages children physically, emotionally and behaviorally. Both its short-term and long-term consequences impact on the individual, on their family and on the community (Gordon, 2006). A study conducted by Anderson and Robboy (2011) examined copying behaviours and child maltreatment behaviours through a chart review of 139 sexually abused females aged 12 to 17. The study found that maltreatment can negatively affect both psychological and interpersonal functioning with children showing a wide range of behaviors such as anxiety, depression, posttraumatic stress disorder, and sexualized behavior. In addition, it was noted that the earlier, more severe, and more chronic the abuse; the more likely the child is to show a range of symptoms that persist into adulthood. The main limitation of the records review was the clinic did not administer validated measures of the coping behaviors as the information was obtained through self-report by the child, or report of the behavior by an accompanying adult. ====

==== While Indigenous people are less likely to consume alcohol than non-Indigenous Australians, a cross sectional study conducted by Cooney, Hayman, and Spurling (2009), found that of the 413 Indigenous patients in a primary health care setting between the age of 15 and 54 that consumed alcohol, 36% has intakes associated with harmful alcohol abuse. The weaknesses of the study are possible selection bias, as the sample was non-random and drawn from a clinic-based population, and outcomes were dependent on patient self-report, and may be under-reported. In relation to this, a study conducted by Chikritzhs, Li, Pircher, Shov, and Whetton (2010) identifies links between high level of alcohol consumption and child maltreatment. Concluding that of the 2,598 investigated sample of families involved within the child welfare system, children whose parent’s misuse or abuse alcohol are also more likely to be subjected to various forms of physical and verbal abuse, and poor quality or inconsistent parenting, which can lead to a child experiencing emotional or psychological problems (Chikritzhs et al., 2010). ====

==== In addition, a study by Dennison, Livingston, & Stewart (2007) examines the impact that timing of child maltreatment has on juvenile offending and the likelihood that they will also become perpetrators of violence. Administrative data was obtained on 5,849 children who were born in Queensland in 1983-84 and who had contact with child protective services, and juvenile justice contacts. The study concluded that children whose maltreatment trajectory started or extended into adolescence were more likely to offend as juveniles than children whose maltreatment occurred prior to, adolescence. The main limitations to the methodologies was that the information necessary to provide a better understanding of the children's maltreatment and its circumstances were not available, and therefore conclusions could not be drawn whether frequency and intensity of maltreatment, or socioeconomic circumstances and family environment increased the likelihood that victims would became perpetrators of violence. ====

==== “The Little Children are Sacred” inquiry was established as a response by the Northern Territory Government to a number of media stories that indicated a significant child sexual abuse problem in many remote Aboriginal communities in the Northern Territory (Wild & Anderson 2007). It included 45 community visits and more than 260 meetings conducted with Indigenous community members and government agency staff across the Northern Territory. Raised regularly in submissions and consultations was the issue of children and the community’s proliferation exposure to pornographic materials, and its use as a way of ‘grooming’ children for sex. Further, concerns were raised about the exposure of pornography and its contribution to the sexualisation of children. A review of the literature by Flood (2007) highlighted that because of overcrowded housing conditions, many children witness sexual behavior between adults from a very young age. It was concluded that this exposure can have notable and troubling effects, as very young children have been found to act out with inappropriate sexual behaviours (ACSAT, 2006; Anderson & Wild, 2007). ====

**Cultural & Social Analysis**
==== Dignified, proud, self-sustaining and healthy by tradition, many Indigenous Australians today live a very different existence (Brady, 2007). Research conducted by Fawcett & Hanlon (2009) conclude the underlying causes of child maltreatment are grounded in unresolved grief associated with multiple layer of trauma fuelled from the consequences of European settlement, and a legacy of past policies of forced removal, racism, and cultural assimilation. These led to a dependency on the economic, political and social systems of the colonisers, and are inherent in the consequences that are still felt today (Brady, 2007). ====

==== Many Indigenous Australians are proud and dignified in the face of great adversity, but many are wounded, suffering poor health, affected by continuing discriminatory processes and haunted by a profound sense of loss (Silburn et al., 2006). Additionally, the high rates of neglect, referring to failure to provide a child’s basic needs, including failure to provide adequate food, shelter, clothing, hygiene or medical attention, are consistent with the disadvantaged socio-economic conditions prevalent in many Indigenous communities, such as overcrowding, unemployment and lack of services (Mazel, 2009). ====

==== There is a link between the socio-economic conditions of Indigenous Australians and the prevalence of child maltreatment. Excessive alcohol and drug use is associated with poor living circumstances, alcohol abuse is directly proportional to child maltreatment (Wilson, Stearne, Gray, & Saggers, 2010), and those occupying the opposite ends of the political spectrum have long mediated and connected both (Fawcett & Hanlon, 2009). ====

==== The governing political system of Australia influences the shape of public and policy attention to ‘the indigenous problem’. The many reports on the problems within Indigenous communities conclude that the general failure to find solutions is exacerbated by a significant lack of resources, an on-going paternalistic approach towards Indigenous people and a reluctance to address the problem (Gordon, 2006). The national apology delivered in federal parliament in 2008 by then Labor Prime Minister Kevin Rudd appeared to signal a major transformation of Indigenous policy in Australia. ====

==== The prevalence of Indigenous children in child protection is still on the rise, and this is likely to be resulting from a legacy of the Indigenous blamed for their own demise (Altman & Hinkson, 2010). Presented by cuts to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) following a substantial period of power from the Coalition Government (Gardiner-Garden, 2011). In recognition, the newly elected Gillard Labor Government has recently dedicated $5.75 billion in new funds over the next three years to major Indigenous commitments (Australian Labor Party (ALP), 2011), includinga key aim of working with communities to tackle alcohol abuse, the primary risk factor in Indigenous child maltreatment. ====

==== With so much good will and so many resources spent on indigenous affairs, this alone begs the questions. Is this form of money throwing sustainable? Governments alone cannot bring about all the changes necessary to overcome indigenous disadvantage (Cripps & McGlade, 2008). The government is required to promote a strong advocate for developing culturally appropriate solutions to the issues confronting Indigenous people, which empower individuals and communities and integrate them in the forefront of planning and building for their own sustained future, and refrain from the removal of children from support networks and familiar environments (Fawcett & Hanlon, 2009). ====

** Analysis of the Artefact **
==== One way of addressing child abuse for political gain has been demonstrated by the Liberal government in the form of the Northern Territory Intervention, which invalidated the Racial Discrimination Act after declaring that child abuse in Indigenous communities was an ‘emergency’. I feel that the term ‘emergency’ is extremely delayed, because the government authorities must have previously recognized the problems described in the report, yet until that point in time no one deemed such urgent and dramatic intervention necessary. So what made this one different? ====

==== It appears that the government had made no initiative towards the prevalence of child abuse until just before a federal election, which happened to coincide with the release of the now famous ‘Sacred Children’ report. Many of the reports 97 recommendations were ignored or manipulated by the government without good explanation, which demonstrates to me that the welfare of Indigenous children was not necessarily the intervention’s highest priority. I am saddened and angered by what could be described as the political hijacking of this report, which had the potential to be an invaluable tool in addressing the appalling problems it describes. Instead, the government had decided to implement its own ‘solutions’ to the ‘emergency’, which largely infringed on the basic rights of Indigenous people as individuals, by way of welfare restrictions, imposition of compulsory leases, and other means of disempowerment. ====

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==== These measures overtly discriminate against indigenous people, infringe their right of self-determination and stigmatize already stigmatized communities. This is not to say that child abuse should be ignored. I would like to stress that some affirmative measures by the government to address the extreme disadvantage faced by indigenous people and issues of safety for children and women are required. Sue Gordon, the Head of the National Indigenous Council,welcomed the Government’s response, saying, “The Nation cannot avert its eyes and ears to the abuse and violence being suffered everyday by children, women and men in our communities” (Gordon, 2007). However, I believe any such measures must be devised and carried out with due regard of the rights of indigenous to self-determination and to be free form racial discrimination and indignity. As the intervention continues today, past the term of the government that launched it, one hopes the intervention has created some awareness, but not a false sense of possibility of rapid ‘solutions’. ====

**Reference List**
==== Aboriginal Child Sexual Assault Taskforce. (2006). //Breaking the silence: Creating the future. Addressing child sexual assault in Aboriginal communities in NSW//. Retrieved from the NSW Attorney General's Department website http://www.lawlink.nsw.gov.au/lawlink/acsat/acsat.nsf/vwFiles/80001%20CP%20Rep-all_sml.pdf/$file/80001%20CP%20Rep-all_sml.pdf ====

==== Brady, M. (2007). Equality and difference: persisting historical themes in health and alcohol policies affecting Indigenous Australians. //Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health//, //61(9),// 759-763. doi: 10.1136/jech.2006.057455 ====

==== Bromfield, L. M., & Higgins, D. J. (2004). The limitations of using statutory child protection data for research into child maltreatment. //Australian Social Work//, //57//(1), 19-30. Doi: 10.1111/j.0312-407X.2003.t01-1-00110.x ====

==== Brown, A., & Brown, N. J. (2007). Northern Territory intervention: Voices from the centre of the fringe. //Medical Journal of Australia//, //187(11/12),// 621-623. Retrieved from [] ====

==== Chikritzhs, T. N., Li, S. Q., Pircher, S., Shov, S. J., & Whetton, S. (2010). How much is too much? Alcohol consumption and related harm in the Northern Territory. // The Medical Journal of Australia, 193(5) //, 269-272. Retrieve from: [] ====

==== Cooney, A. L., Hayman, N. E., & Spurling, G. KP. (2009). Adult health checks for Indigenous Australians: the first year’s experience from the Inala Indigenous Health Service. //Medical Journal of Australia, 190(10),// 562-564. Retrieved from http://www.mja.com.au/public/issues/190_10_180509/spu 10124_fm.html ====

==== Cripps, K., & McGlade, H. (2008). Indigenous family violence and sexual abuse: Considering pathways forward. // Journal of Family Studies, 14(2-3), // 240-253. Retrieved from [] ====

==== D’Antoine, H., Elliot, E. J., Fremantle, E., Mahajan, D., & Zurynski, Y. A. (2008). Indigenous child health: urgent need for improved data to underpin better health outcomes. // [|Medical Journal of Australia] ////, 188(10), // 588-91. Retrieved from [] ====

==== Dennison, S., Livingston, M., & Stewart, A. (2007). Transitions and turning points: Examining the links between child maltreatment and juvenile offending. //Child Abuse & Neglect, 32,// 51-66. doi:10.1016/j.chiabu.2007.04.011 ====

==== Fawcett, B., & Hanlon, M. (2009). Child sexual abuse and Aboriginal communities in Australia: A case study of non-inclusive government intervention. //European Journal of Social Work, 12//, 87-100. doi: 10.1080/13691450802221048 ====

==== Mazel, O. (2009). Development In the ‘first world’ alleviating Indigenous disadvantage in Australia: The dilemma of difference. //Griffith Law Review, 18(2),// 476-502. Retrieved from [] ====

==== Wild, R., & Anderson, P. (2007) //Ampe akelyememane meke mekarle “Little children are sacred” report of the Northern Territory board of inquiry into the protection of aboriginal children from sexual abuse//. Retrieved from Northern Territory Government website http://www.inquirysaac.nt.gov.au/pdf/bipacsa_final_report.pdf ====

==== Wilson, M., Stearne, A., Gray, D., & Saggers, S. (2010). //The harmful use of alcohol amongst Indigenous Australians//. Retrieved from [|http://www.healthinfonet.ecu.edu.au/alcoholuse_review] ====